The World Is Winning the War on Workers — And the US Just Made the Watch List

Business25 articles covering this story· 2026-05-31

The World Is Winning the War on Workers — And the US Just Made the Watch List

International Trade Union ConfederationDemocracyFranceLabour lawSystemicsSyndicate
The World Is Winning the War on Workers — And the US Just Made the Watch List
"Remploy Norwich picket back entrance this morning" by Roger Blackwell is licensed under CC BY 2.0. To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/.

The International Trade Union Confederation doesn't do hyperbole. When the organization that represents 191 million workers across 169 countries and territories drops its annual Global Rights Index and calls the situation a structural crisis, it means the paperwork backs it up. The 2024 edition does. Seventy-two percent of the 151 countries surveyed denied workers meaningful access to justice. That number has not improved in years. It has worsened.

The ITUC uses a tiered rating system running from 1 — sporadic violations — up to 5+, which it reserves for countries where the rule of law has functionally collapsed for labor. The United States was handed a rating of 4: "systemic violations of rights." To be clear about what that category means in the ITUC's own framework: it describes countries where the government or employers conduct sustained, structural attacks on the ability to organize, bargain, or strike — not isolated incidents, not political rhetoric, but embedded, repeated patterns that courts and agencies either enable or fail to stop.

Placing the United States at a 4 puts it in the same tier as countries that the American political class routinely lectures about rule-of-law deficits. The ITUC's watch list designation adds an additional layer of concern — it flags countries where deterioration is active, not merely chronic. France also appears in the report's findings on eroding protections in nominally stable democracies, a detail that tends to get buried when European commentators treat this as a story about the Global South.

And the Global South story is genuinely severe. Argentina was added to the index's worst-performers category following a wave of government-backed rollbacks to collective bargaining frameworks and public-sector labor protections. The broader Latin American and Middle Eastern regions continue to record the highest concentrations of violence against union organizers — the ITUC tracks murders, assaults, and arbitrary arrests of labor activists as primary data points, not anecdotes. In 2023, at least 12 trade unionists were killed, a figure the organization notes is almost certainly an undercount given documentation gaps in conflict zones and authoritarian states.

What the index measures isn't sentiment or political preference — it's codified behavior: whether workers are legally permitted to form independent unions, whether collective bargaining agreements are enforceable, whether the right to strike is protected or criminalized, and whether workers who exercise those rights face retaliation without legal recourse. On each axis, the global trendline points in the same direction. Gig economy reclassification, emergency-powers labor restrictions carried over from the pandemic era, and the aggressive use of court injunctions against strike action have all contributed to the deterioration in high-income countries.

The United States case is worth examining without the usual partisan deflection. The National Labor Relations Act — the foundational federal statute governing private-sector organizing — has not been substantially strengthened since 1935. The penalties for illegal union-busting under that law remain so low that many employers treat them as a cost of doing business rather than a deterrent. A 2022 Economic Policy Institute analysis of NLRB data found that employers illegally fired or otherwise retaliated against workers in more than 40 percent of union certification campaigns. The ITUC's rating doesn't emerge from nowhere — it reflects a documented enforcement gap that spans administrations of both parties.

The ITUC report also takes aim at what it calls "soft repression" in democratic contexts: the proliferation of non-compete clauses for low-wage workers, mandatory arbitration agreements that route labor disputes away from public courts, and anti-protest legislation that has been used in multiple U.S. states to criminalize union picket activity near infrastructure. These aren't fringe applications — they are established legal instruments now routinely deployed against organized labor.

What the establishment press tends to do with a report like this is extract the most dramatic geographic data points — the murders, the authoritarian crackdowns — and present the rest as color. That framing does the work of normalization. The ITUC's index is explicit that the erosion in "stable" democracies is not a footnote to the main story. It is increasingly the main story. When the world's wealthiest economy earns a rating of 4 out of 5 for systematic rights violations, the question worth asking isn't whether the methodology is flawed. It's why the answer isn't front page news.

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